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I think racism reduces liberty. I also think that anti-racist norms reduce the liberty of racists to act on their racism. I think that's good. Who decides that that's good? We all do, through exactly the kind of open conversation and debate we're having right now.
So you are against government action in this area on practical, not moral, grounds? If you thought it would actually work, you wouldn't object to coercion in having people abandon sexist practices, since that would be a good kind of coercion (just as protecting private property is good coercion)? But you don't think it would work, so social norms are a better tool than government action. Yes?
I see your point about external limitations on what you can do, but I see a very bold line between state and non-state limitations. Perhaps that's just where we disagree.
I think you're reaching towards the idea of negative liberty, but wording it poorly. So poorly you're rather leaving yourself open here. . .
Word to the philosophically wise: if you don't ensure that your liberty originates in, derives from, or is defined as some other relationship than that with, toward or dependent on the state - then you're screwed. Seriously.
At best you're going to have an ugly date with Georg Lukacs, where he will kindly explain how only praxis of the Marxist method can end your reification and deliver you into freedom - the liberty that will appear with the development of true class consciousness after the end of ideology.
Remember only praxis in a Marxist structure can produce true human existence, and thus, true human liberty in the "realm of freedom." At worst, you'll end up as mere property of the state. So Dangerous, just don't go there.
I swear, don't people read these things anymore?
And yes, Liberty is only negative. I may think the "right" to a jury trial and a free lawyer is a damn good idea but it is not a "right", it is a privilege granted to me by the state.
If on the other hand you say that the state is the embodiment of the people then individuals perhaps have no rights, just prvileges.
Tribal is how we started.
I've noticed there is a pretty noticeable difference between certain people that can serve as the cut-off for libertarianism: when someone feels that liberty is so important that any constraint requires rigorous and careful justification.
Where can I go to find out a bit more about Milton Friedman's or F.A. Hayek's views on redistributive safety nets? Are there particular books or articles to recommend to people who are not economists?
Wil: I tend to agree with the ideas you've expressed in the past two posts, but I'm troubled by what seems like an embrace of positive liberty. (Am misreading you here?) While positive liberty is certainly a valid and valuable concept, it's also a slippery one. At what point do we put on the brakes and say that coercion is unjustified, even if it achieves just ends? This is, of course, the classic challenge to utilitarianism, and I believe that your thinking is much more subtle than that of traditional utilitarians.
So, here's my question: what underpins your conception of what coercion is and is not just? Do you draw your ideas in this area from any particular thinker(s)? If so, I'd appreciate any reading recommendations you may have.
So I did the test on behalf of Australia's Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition. According to my understanding of their views, the P.M. is very definitely a Statist and slightly left of centre, as I would have predicted. The surprise result is for the Oppostion leader (the leader of the Liberal Party, which is usually thought of as being on the conservative side of politics) who shows up as a Centrist (actually further left of centre than the PM).
I'm not sure what that means. Perhaps the political centre in Australia is more statist than in the U.S., but no further to the left.
The link is:
http://www.theadvocates.org/quizp/index.html